When Anti-Racism Became Anti-Progress
Book Review: The End of Race Politics: Arguments for a Colorblind America by Coleman Hughes
Review by Graeme Kemp
Who in our modern society advocates for ideas that dismiss civil rights ideals, endorse race-based discrimination, perpetuate stereotypes in discussions about race, reject our shared humanity, and promote notions of racial superiority while conveniently overlooking their own racism?
Many might instinctively point to far-right extremists or those resistant to the concept of multiracial societies.
However according to Coleman Hughes, author of The End of Race Politics, the answer is: many contemporary anti-racists.
“In all of these respects, self-proclaimed anti-racists show themselves to be racists who don’t differ fundamentally from white supremacists and racists of other kinds.” (Page 36).
This is a strong claim that demands a good standard of evidence from Coleman Hughes. And that is exactly what we get in this book: a convincing, well-argued expose of contemporary anti-racism, Critical Race Theory (CRT) and associated ideas.
These ideas now dominate the UK as well as the USA. Coleman’s book ranks among the best books I’ve read on contemporary discussions about anti-racism. Hughes has written a detailed and thorough work that is excellent in its opposition to many contemporary anti-racist trends and convincing in marshalling evidence for a return to genuine colourblind anti-racism.
In all of these respects, self-proclaimed “anti-racists” show themselves to be racists who don’t differ fundamentally from white supremacists and racists of other kinds
And that’s why Coleman Hughes labels much contemporary anti-racism (derived from Critical Race Theory) as unashamedly a kind of “Neoracism” (Page 1).
So, what evidence does he provide to justify such a dramatic claim?
Hughes summarises many current explanations of ethnic issues and inequalities as being based on the following way of thinking: white people have always held power in society and have used that power to oppress people who are black or non-white. This white privilege has created institutions and policies that create different outcomes for different racial groups – based on white people benefitting most. If racial disparities exist – racism must be the cause.
The solution, according to this viewpoint, is to reverse inequalities. Past discrimination against black people and minorities requires ‘anti-racist’ discrimination today in favour of such groups - and in the future.
Yet that itself is racist, Hughes argues.
Hughes’ rejects such perspectives and solutions as divisive and flawed. The book analyses the now familiar ideas of Ibram X Kendi and Robin DiAngelo, advocates of CRT thinking. While many of us have probably had more than enough of these figures, Coleman Hughes discusses their dubious ideas in a refreshing, relevant way.
The book gives plenty of relevant examples of how such ideas as Critical Race Theory have impacted government, medicine and education. It has seen the reintroduction of what amounts to racial segregation on college campuses.
A report in 2019 found that in the USA among 173 colleges and universities studied, 43% offered racially segregated dorms; 46% had racially segregated student orientation available and 72% had racially segregated graduation ceremonies for those who requested them. Fortunately, in practice, most of these events were not segregated – but the fact they were still offered as an option is troubling. And all this was done in the name of keeping black students safe from white racism.
So why does Hughes think much of this contemporary anti-racism is flawed?
Firstly, Hughes rejects the idea that racial disparities are always evidence of systemic racism against people who are black. While few would deny that racism can exist today, ethnic disparities need to be examined more closely. He draws a distinction between malignant disparities caused by genuine racist discrimination – and benign disparities that reflect cultural and demographic differences between racial groups in society.
Hughes gives a simple example of a demographic differences, including the example of age. The median white US citizen is aged 43, the median black American is younger at 33 years old. As people tend to earn more money as they get older, and commit less crime generally, comparing the outcomes for black and white can be misleading. Racism is not necessarily relevant to differences in results – yet for people who are black, outcomes and inequalities can superficially seem unfair.
Culture can have an influence in many ways. Why are 80% of the world’s pianists Chinese when the Chinese are only 18% of the population of the world? The answer is culture: being skilled at playing the classical concert piano is highly respected in contemporary Chinese culture. Why are there so many successful chess players from Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan – but fewer from Japan? Culture is a convincing explanation again – the Japanese tend to play other games. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan were, however, once part of the chess-obsessed USSR.
Hughes lists a range of other racial disparities that cannot logically be explained by racial discrimination. For instance, in the early 20th Century black Caribbeans owned the majority of the businesses in Harlem, New York, despite being a minority relative to the black US population. In the 1990s four-fifths of doughnut shops in California were owned by people of Cambodian heritage despite Cambodians not being in the majority.
Hughes cites research by Columbia University sociologist Van Tran, who studied groups in New York City (2015):
“…compared with American blacks, Caribbean blacks were more likely to express disapproval of drug use, less likely to be connected to their neighborhood social network, and more likely to condone strict parenting …Caribbean blacks also earned more money than American blacks, were more likely to be employed, and less likely to be teenage mothers – despite living in equally segregated neighborhoods.” (Pages 111 and 112).
Different cultures can produce different outcomes. Racism is not always the explanation, despite many antiracists believing it is. Hughes claims that the variable of racial discrimination seems to have a relatively small effect on average income, relative to all the other things that have an effect on how much one earns: skills, knowledge, ability and social network.
The End of Race Politics extends its critique of so-called anti-racism today to explore what Hughes describes as the myth of undoing the racist past. He rejects the notion of anti-racist discrimination (e.g. against white people) as a solution – that is itself racist. He is also blunt about the idea of reparations for past ethnic injustices, including slavery – we can only compensate victims of any discrimination in the present – not the past. We can’t undo the past or compensate the dead.
We need to oppose all discrimination and instead emphasise our common humanity.
We can’t undo the past or compensate the dead.
Hughes is equally dismissive of the pessimistic notion that we have made no (or little) progress historically, against racial discrimination. Yet, the US clearly has changed – organised white supremacy has declined. The Ku Klux Klan had around 3000 members in 2016- while the Flat Earth Society was larger at 3500! White racist organisations are now thankfully a tiny political fringe.
Progress can be clearly seen in the USA: in 1965 only 5 members of the House of Representatives in the US were black – by 2021 the number was 57.
And this is true for other social issues. For instance, since 2001 the rate of black men incarcerated in prison (aged between 18 – 29) has gone down by more than half. That is hardly a reflection of a society dominated by white racism, as some claim the US is.
Oddly, as Hughes points out: only white Westerners seem to feel guilty for past racial injustices, including slavery. This is a guilt felt for the acts of others, in the past. Little guilt exists in the contemporary Arab world for the enslavement of about 14 million Africans, over a period of around a thousand years.
There is also little evidence, Hughes argues, for the idea of inherited trauma from slavery in the past. After all, wouldn’t the ancestors of most humans alive today also have suffered some kind of trauma, historically? Even epigenetics doesn’t support the notion of inherited trauma, according to the New York Times, in terms of possible biological mechanisms.
Much of contemporary anti-racism (and Critical Race Theory) creates therefore a sense of victimhood in people who are black or ethnic minority, encouraging a sense of powerlessness. Talk of white supremacy can also create an impression of what Hughes terms “Black Weakness” (Page 145) stereotyping black people as emotionally fragile, of being vulnerable and in need. This is just patronising, he argues.
And notions of ‘lived experience’, cited as proof of racism, can also be flawed. As Coleman Hughes points out – our own ‘lived experience’ can only ever give us an incomplete, partial insight into society or even experiences. ‘Lived experience’ only seems to be relevant when discussing the experiences of black people. So, why isn’t it relevant to everyone, regardless of race, or status in society? As Hughes points out: realistically no-one’s ‘lived experience’ is superior to anyone else’s.
Hughes is particularly adept at taking apart buzz words such as ‘diversity’ which seem to be promoted relentlessly these days, always as a positive. As Hughes points out: diversity itself is neither good – nor bad. It doesn’t map neatly onto anything worth caring about. By itself, diversity is neutral. And ironically, affirmative action programmes often seem to benefit wealthy elites in any minority racial group.
Would the band Earth, Wind and Fire have been better if they had a white band member, to make it more ‘diverse’? It seems unlikely argues Hughes!
Like most radical ‘anti-racism’ ideas, all the above concepts tend to stifle free debate and discussion of issues around race and identity. Indeed, Coleman Hughes uses The End of Race Politics to discuss social class – something we often lose sight of when discussing political issues, including inequality.
Hughes opposes all the destructive, divisive politics of this dominant ‘anti-racism’- which is so prejudiced he regards it as ‘neo-racism’. And as Hughes points out: “Neoracists don’t want racial peace, but endless ideological war.” (Page 177).
Our obsession with race as a category must therefore end. Government policies that single out certain ‘oppressed’ ethnic groups in society for extra support or help, based on their racial heritage. must end too. It is a return to genuinely progressive liberal, colour-blind anti-racism that we should support, he says. And that involves emphasising what unites all of us – an emphasis on our common humanity. We should return to the original colour-blind ethos of the civil rights movement in the US.
As Coleman Hughes emphasises, this should include safety and freedom for everyone, with no second-class citizens, ideally in a country that provides a decent education for all, with good jobs and economic growth, affordable homes and healthcare. Investing in the early years of a child’s life is vital. And freedom in such a country also needs to be based around genuine free speech – without people being cancelled or marginalised. Active citizens engaging in free, open and honest debate must mean rejecting the fashionable ‘victim’ state of mind, as well.
We must therefore treat everyone fairly, regardless of race, both in terms of government policies and in our private lives. This can include name-blind applications for jobs to reduce any racial bias or discrimination. Employers and institutions should adopt colour-blind policies and ditch the Critical Race Theory. CRT only ever fosters unpleasant competition between racial groups. And applicants for jobs should only ever be judged based on merit.
The End of Race Politics is a remarkable book that deserves a wide audience.
Graeme Kemp is a former teacher and civil servant who currently lives in the Midlands. He is an English and Cultural Studies graduate of several universities in England and Scotland. He has also contributed book reviews to the Don't Divide Us website and 'Bournbrook' Magazine.
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Culture is such an important factor that people keep forgetting. You can have the same skin tone and physical attributes, but if we were raised with different values and different cultures, we would be different. You can have a room filled with white people and it's diverse because they all have different backgrounds and opinions while you could also have a room that "looks" diverse but they all think the same.
Coleman Hughes is always interesting. Various writers and artists and regular black people are now pushing back against 'blackness'or what I've called the 'black ideology'. Influential black leaders and public figures with white progressive allies have become the authorities who define what blackness is, or see it as their role to speak on behalf of all black people. I hope that the rebellion grows, some of us want to assert our individuality, some want to challenge the meaning of race, other want to maintain a pride in the achievements of their community, and a sense of responsibility for their community.
Black Americans have been the figureheads for black people across the world. When I was young growing up in the UK (and this may sound weird) I confused the colour 'black' with the word 'American'. My mother has told me that what probably happened was that when she saw a black person on the TV, she might say 'oh look there's an American actress', my brother and sister picked up on this and passed it on to me and a confusion happened somewhere down the line. My mother came to the UK as a nurse, from Guyana in 1958 while waiting for her US visa, many of her friends and relatives went to the US, she came to the UK and stayed (many relatives were here also). In her early years in the UK my mother saw great American performers Harry Belafonte and Paul Robeson on UK tours.
When I went to Guyana in 1966, my grandmother called me Cassius Clay (Muhammed Ali), as I was so pretty (Ali didn't wait to be told he was pretty, and to be fair he was). Ali, like US icons MLK, Malcolm X and others, was hugely popular and influential among black people throughout the world.
Today black America (and America in general) seems to have lost it's way. Black America remains influential but I would argue not in a good way. Causes like Apartheid in South Africa, and Anti-Colonialism in Africa and the Caribbeans no longer unite black people around the world. We have black identity politics, which we have imported from the US into the UK but sits uncomfortably. Black identity politics has taken hold among black leadership cliques, but the black population in the UK has changed and diversified. In the 50's and 60's we were predominantly West Indian, today we have black people from all over Africa, we have different generations and a growing mixed race community.
I'm on the side of those who feel 'blackness' has become a straitjacket or worse a political identity that they have not signed up for, and who seek individual autonomy. Paradoxically black people may have to combine to achieve individual freedom. That said I can understand why some black Americans remain proud of their achievements (they have a lot to be proud of) and have mixed feelings (or even hostility) about the potential loss of their identity.